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- Sungkyun Institute of Chinese Studies Hosts 17th China Social Research Forum NEW
- Sungkyun Institute of Chinese Studies Hosts 17th China Social Research Forum On Aug. 11, 2026, the Sungkyun Institute of Chinese Studies (Director Lee Jong-hyuk) hosted the 17th China Social Research Forum at the 600th Anniversary Building. Held under the theme “The History and Imagination of China’s Rise in Science and Technology,” the forum featured presentations by Lee Jong-sik, professor at the KAIST Graduate School of Science and Technology Policy, and Yoo Jung-won, professor in the Department of Chinese Language and Chinese Studies at Keimyung University. The event was held in a hybrid format, bringing together participants both on campus and online. In the first presentation, Professor Lee Jong-sik examined the historical transformation of China’s science and technology system in a talk titled “Reading China’s ‘Spring of Science’ in the Long 1980s: From the People to Talent, from Revolution to Systems, and from Self-Reliance to Reconnection.” Rather than viewing the development of Chinese science and technology after the launch of reform and opening-up as a complete break with the past, Lee approached it as a process in which the personnel, institutions, technologies and methods accumulated during the Mao era were reorganized around new objectives. This perspective offered important historical context for understanding China’s contemporary technocracy and its development strategy centered on science and technology. It also highlighted the ways in which institutions and capabilities inherited from an earlier period were adapted to the changing priorities of the post-reform era. Professor Yoo Jung-won then explored the changing relationship between science, technology and the future in Chinese society through a presentation titled “Does Chinese Science Fiction Dream of Electric Sheep?” Drawing on the development of Chinese science fiction, Yoo examined how people in different periods of modern Chinese history have imagined technology and the future. Her analysis traced these changes from the late Qing period, when science fiction was closely associated with national reconstruction and enlightenment, through the socialist era and its emphasis on national development, to the marketization and social transformation that accompanied reform and opening-up. She also considered more recent developments in the context of globalization. By examining the relationships among the state, the market and the global circulation of Chinese science fiction, Yoo shed light on how the ways Chinese society imagines its future have evolved. Taken together, the two presentations offered complementary perspectives on the historical foundations of China’s contemporary technological development. While Lee focused on the transformation of institutions and systems, Yoo examined the cultural imagination surrounding science, technology and the future. Their approaches demonstrated how China’s technological rise can be understood not only through economic and technological indicators, but also through the historical, social and cultural changes that have accompanied it. Through the China Social Research Forum, the Sungkyun Institute of Chinese Studies has continued to provide a platform for scholars from a range of fields to discuss major developments in China, extending beyond politics and economics to society, culture, science and technology. The institute plans to continue fostering interdisciplinary academic exchange, working with researchers from diverse fields to examine China’s changing society from multiple perspectives and identify new areas of research.
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- 작성일 2026-08-13
- 조회수 68
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- [Faculty] Professor Lee Hee-ok, [Kyunghyang Shinmun Column] "The Urgency of Managing Peace on the Korean Peninsula" NEW
- The Urgency of Managing Peace on the Korean Peninsula The liberal international order and the unipolar system are both under strain, while the world remains caught in a complex crisis in which economic, security, diplomatic, and technological challenges are deeply intertwined. At the heart of these developments lies the U.S.-China relationship, defined by an intensifying competition for influence over the global order. China has long felt threatened by pressure from the United States. Yet after witnessing the limits of U.S. power during the U.S.-Iran war, and after building up its own technological capabilities and supply-chain ecosystem, Beijing has grown more confident and is now projecting that confidence through its foreign policy. At this stage, despite its overall advantage in power, the United States can no longer expect to bring China to its knees. Against this backdrop, countries caught between the strategic competition of the United States and China are increasingly pursuing their national interests on an issue-by-issue basis rather than aligning themselves firmly with either camp. This strategy of multi-alignment has become increasingly visible. President Lee Jae Myung's recent flurry of summit diplomacy can also be understood as an effort to recognize these warning signs of a changing international environment and pursue Korea's national interests accordingly. These shifts in the international order are rapidly spreading to Northeast Asia. Most notably, signs of a new Cold War are emerging between a U.S.-South Korea-Japan grouping and a North Korea-China-Russia grouping. Through the modernization of its alliances with South Korea and Japan, the United States is seeking to consolidate trilateral cooperation while directly targeting what it sees as a socialist China. This context also helps explain discussions about the possible forward deployment of short-range tactical nuclear weapons in the region. North Korea, China, and Russia, meanwhile, may find it difficult to institutionalize their security cooperation in the form of a formal collective-defense arrangement. Yet bilateral cooperation among North Korea and China, North Korea and Russia, and China and Russia has strengthened to an unprecedented degree. In the process, North Korea's strategic value has risen to its highest level since the end of the Cold War. China and Russia, for their part, appear willing to tolerate North Korean behavior as long as Pyongyang refrains from conducting a seventh nuclear test and maintains its moratorium on intercontinental ballistic missile tests. The fluid changes in the international and Northeast Asian orders are significantly raising the level of crisis on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea has already enshrined in its constitution its status as a nuclear-armed state and its doctrine of “two states,” while building barriers and fortifications along the Military Demarcation Line (MDL) in an effort to turn it into a border. It is also concentrating there tanks upgraded with advanced military technology transferred from Russia, along with extended-range self-propelled artillery, multiple rocket launchers, drones, and other weapons, positioning them to target the Seoul metropolitan area. More troublingly, North Korea's military actions are no longer directed primarily at the United States, which it has long regarded as its “sworn enemy.” They are increasingly aimed at South Korea, which Pyongyang now defines as a “hostile state” and a completely separate country. If the Military Demarcation Line and the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) were to disappear, the armistice system would be hollowed out, and even a minor dispute along the border could escalate into a much larger conflict. Moreover, if a military confrontation occurs, the crisis-management mechanisms of the past—particularly military talks aimed at easing tensions—may no longer function. We could find ourselves with little option beyond responding in kind. For now, however, North Korea's military posture remains relatively restrained. Even when the Yoon Suk Yeol administration deliberately sent military drones into North Korean airspace, Pyongyang did not respond militarily, and it continues to maintain that posture. At the same time, North Korea is rapidly reshaping its political and social education, removing references to unification and the concept of a shared Korean nation from textbooks and other official documents. But once North Korea completes the border that underpins its two-state doctrine and carries out a more precise reorganization of its military, the possibility of localized clashes could increase, particularly if Pyongyang claims the Northern Limit Line (NLL) in the West Sea as part of its own territorial waters. If this situation continues, breaking out of the framework of hostility will eventually require enormous costs. Time is not on our side. First, we need to read the changing international order with greater clarity—an order in which economics, security, and diplomacy increasingly move as one—while developing strategic autonomy alongside the South Korea-U.S. alliance. We must also move beyond the taboo surrounding combined military exercises between South Korea and the United States—the “uncomfortable truth”—if we are to find even the narrowest opening for peace on the Korean Peninsula. In fact, deterrence and peace are two sides of the same coin. Given that extended deterrence alone is unlikely to change North Korea's behavior, the proactive implementation of inter-Korean military agreements, a freeze-first approach to North Korea's nuclear program, peaceful coexistence based on respect for the North Korean system, and securing greater military sovereignty are tasks that can no longer be postponed. We must also open a window of opportunity toward China and Russia, taking into account their increasingly close relations with North Korea. In the short term, we should use the August 15 Liberation Day address to underscore the urgency of peace on the Korean Peninsula. We should also use the Eastern Economic Forum in Russia in September and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Economic Leaders' Meeting in China in November as opportunities to invite North Korea to multilateral forums or, at the very least, create an environment conducive to indirect dialogue. Needless to say, we must come prepared with a carefully developed and creative policy package for peace on the Korean Peninsula. Is it not a form of idealism to worry about abandonment of the South Korea-U.S. alliance while ignoring the risks of entrapment; to remain fixated on the complete denuclearization of North Korea despite the widening gap between that goal and policy reality; or to lack a sufficient sense of urgency about how North Korea's two-state doctrine directly affects our daily lives? At a minimum, we need to explore alternatives to the current armistice system that can prevent accidental clashes and pursue crisis management on the Korean Peninsula to mitigate the so-called Korea discount. Taking such practical steps, grounded in the realities of the security environment, is precisely what should form the foundation of pragmatic diplomacy. Professor Emeritus Lee Hee-ok, Department of Political Science and Diplomacy, Sungkyunkwan University
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- 작성일 2026-08-10
- 조회수 75
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- [Faculty] Professor Koo Jeong Woo, [Segye Ilbo Column] "Who Will Find a Job in the Age of AI?" NEW
- Who Will Find a Job in the Age of AI? Universities and companies increasingly value AI literacy But our own language is gradually disappearing We need to learn to ask questions and speak for ourselves That may be the surest path to employment Youth unemployment is becoming an increasingly serious problem. As companies grow more inclined to hire experienced workers, college graduates are finding it harder even to identify places where they can apply. At the same time, as businesses accelerate their adoption of AI, entry-level tasks once commonly assigned to new employees—drafting proposals, preparing PowerPoint presentations, and the like—are rapidly disappearing. From the perspective of employers, there are simply fewer reasons to hire young workers. Around me, I increasingly encounter undergraduate and graduate students anxiously searching for jobs, with no clear opportunities in sight. Their parents, watching them struggle, are understandably distressed as well. And yet companies continue to hire new graduates. Someone, after all, manages to make it through the narrow gate and land a job. Who will be the ones to experience that joy? I recently had conversations with senior human-resources executives at several major companies, and I came away with a few insights. Not surprisingly, AI is now actively used in screening applications. One thing it looks for in particular is whether a personal statement contains expressions that other applicants are unlikely to use or vocabulary that is not easily encountered in everyday life. In a world where AI has become the default, unfamiliar words and expressions—especially when accompanied by experiences that genuinely relate to them—can be a positive signal of an applicant's creativity. ▲Koo Jeong Woo, Professor of Sociology at Sungkyunkwan University Once candidates demonstrate that creativity and clear the first hurdle, they face the interview. Interview formats vary, but in many cases candidates are given several topics and asked to prepare a presentation within a set amount of time. Interestingly, the content of the presentation itself is often secondary. What really matters is whether the candidate has an idea that stands out, how thoughtfully the presentation is structured, and how effectively the intended message is communicated. In other words, what matters more than knowing the right answer is the ability to find one's way toward an answer—and to persuade others along the way. For an ordinary job seeker, this can be a rather unsettling demand. If someone has grown accustomed to using AI to generate ideas, write reports, and deliver presentations by relying on AI-generated scripts, an actual corporate interview may feel like a nightmare. As I enter my 18th year of teaching at a university, I sometimes find myself wondering: What if we set aside textbooks and AI altogether and brought students together to speak and debate freely about social life and the issues that confront us? In such a class, students would have to rely on their own abilities from the very moment they begin thinking about what to present and how to present it. They would grapple deeply with a subject, voice their still-unpolished thoughts to the professor and their classmates, observe their reactions, and gradually refine their ideas. Rather than relying on someone else's language, they could develop a framework for thinking in their own words. They could let go of perfectionism and find the courage to share something incomplete with others. By watching people's expressions and paying attention to their responses, they could learn to express their thoughts more clearly and persuasively. Yet universities today are moving in the opposite direction. Professors are increasingly encouraged—almost pressured, as if it were an institutional guideline—to incorporate AI into every class, including courses in the humanities and social sciences. There is a growing sense that failing to use AI is somehow equivalent to falling behind the times. But is this really the best way to educate people who can develop new language and the power to persuade? Philosophy, long neglected, is attracting renewed attention. The ability to get to the heart of a problem has become more important than the ability to find the right answer quickly. At leading universities abroad, engineering classes sometimes encourage students to handle materials themselves, build structures, and learn through trial and error before turning to textbooks or AI. The reason is simple: before mastering how to use AI, students need the humanistic capacity to define a problem for themselves and search for a solution. In the age of AI, the people who succeed in finding jobs may not be those who use AI most skillfully. Those who refuse to simply repeat the language generated by AI, who strive to find a language of their own, and who can articulate their thoughts clearly without a script in front of them may ultimately gain the greater competitive advantage. The role of universities, therefore, should be clear. We need to help students develop the ability to ask questions and speak for themselves—even without AI. And we need to ask ourselves whether universities, ironically, are becoming an obstacle on the very path to employment that they are supposed to help students find.
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- 작성일 2026-08-10
- 조회수 76
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- [Faculty] Professor Cho Won-bin, [Hankook Ilbo Column] "Anti-Immigrant Protests in South Africa Shake Pan-Africanism"
- Anti-Immigrant Protests in South Africa Shake Pan-Africanism Demonstrators march and chant slogans during an anti-illegal immigration protest in Durban, South Africa, on June 30. AFP/Yonhap News On July 8, the government of Ghana requested that South African President Cyril Ramaphosa postpone his planned state visit to Ghana, originally scheduled for August. While both governments officially described the decision as a postponement, it effectively amounted to a rejection of the visit amid diplomatic tensions over the death of a Ghanaian national living in South Africa. Ghana's Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that a Ghanaian citizen had been fatally shot in Cape Town on June 30 during anti-immigrant protests. South African police, however, maintained that the incident was unrelated to the demonstrations. Regardless of the disputed circumstances, the rise of xenophobic violence in South Africa has steadily strained relations between the two countries. Since May, the Ghanaian government has chartered flights to repatriate more than 900 of its citizens from South Africa. Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama has also called on the African Union to formally address the violence targeting foreign nationals in South Africa, a proposal that has received support from several African heads of state. Anti-immigrant protests have intensified across South Africa in recent months. Demonstrators argue that undocumented migrants are taking jobs, contributing to crime, and fueling social instability, and they have demanded the deportation of those residing in the country illegally. Some anti-immigrant groups have gone further, issuing an unofficial ultimatum ordering undocumented foreign nationals to leave South Africa by June 30 despite having no legal authority to do so. Activists associated with these groups have reportedly stationed themselves outside public health clinics, demanding identification documents from those seeking medical care and intimidating foreign nationals to prevent them from accessing public services. According to the South African government, more than three million foreign nationals—roughly 5 percent of the country's population—currently reside in South Africa. Most come from neighboring countries such as Lesotho, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique. However, authorities believe that many more undocumented migrants are living in the country, making them the primary targets of the recent protests. South Africa remains Africa's most industrialized economy, yet it also faces one of the highest unemployment rates in the world. The unemployment rate reached 32.7 percent in 2025, and the economy lost approximately 350,000 jobs during the first quarter of 2026, with young people accounting for the majority of those affected. Against this backdrop of rising youth unemployment, persistent economic inequality, and inadequate public services, public frustration has increasingly been directed toward foreign nationals. Yet the growing anti-immigrant sentiment reflects far more than concerns over migration alone. It is ultimately a symptom of deeper structural problems, including failures of governance, weak public service delivery, and entrenched socioeconomic inequality. Unless the Ramaphosa administration takes decisive action to address both the domestic unrest and the diplomatic tensions it has generated across the continent, South Africa risks becoming increasingly isolated within Africa. Above all, South Africa should not forget the solidarity it once received from fellow African nations during its struggle against apartheid. At a time when Pan-African cooperation is once again being tested, preserving that legacy of mutual support remains both a moral obligation and a political necessity.
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- 작성일 2026-08-04
- 조회수 116
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- [Alumni] Dr. Euibin Lee Appointed Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Welfare at Kongju National University
- Dr. Euibin Lee Appointed Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Welfare at Kongju National University Dr. Euibin Lee has been appointed Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Welfare at Kongju National University, effective March 2026. Dr. Euibin Lee received her bachelor's, master's, and doctoral degrees in Social Welfare from Sungkyunkwan University. Her doctoral dissertation, "The Relationship Between Parenting Patterns in Single-Parent Families and Adolescents' Adjustment Profiles: A Person-Centered Approach," employed a person-centered approach to examine how parenting patterns in single-parent families relate to adolescents' adjustment profiles. Prior to joining the faculty at Kongju National University, Dr. Lee served as a Postdoctoral Researcher at Sungkyunkwan University and as a Research Fellow at Sogang University, building an extensive research portfolio in social welfare. Her scholarship has focused on family welfare and child and adolescent welfare, where she has produced both quantitatively and qualitatively rigorous research that has contributed to advancing knowledge in the field. Throughout her academic career, Dr. Lee has received numerous awards recognizing her excellence in scholarship, research, and contributions to social welfare. In addition to her research accomplishments, she has taught a wide range of courses in social welfare, consistently earning strong teaching evaluations. She remains committed to student-centered education and to fostering an engaging learning environment for future social welfare professionals. As a faculty member at Kongju National University, Dr. Lee will continue her research on family welfare and child and adolescent well-being while mentoring the next generation of scholars and practitioners. Through her teaching and research, she also aims to contribute to addressing the complex social challenges facing contemporary Korean society.
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- 작성일 2026-08-03
- 조회수 105
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- Sungkyun Institute of China Studies Holds Academic Exchange Meeting with Shenzhen University’s School of Government
- Sungkyun Institute of China Studies Holds Academic Exchange Meeting with Shenzhen University’s School of Government The Sungkyun Institute of China Studies (Director: Lee Jong Hyuk) hosted an academic exchange meeting with a delegation from the School of Government at Shenzhen University on July 22, 2026, in the First Seminar Room of Sungkyunkwan University’s 600th Anniversary Hall. The meeting brought together researchers from the Sungkyun Institute of China Studies and a delegation led by Professor Yu Keping, Dean of the School of Government at Shenzhen University and an internationally recognized scholar of Chinese politics and state governance. The visit marked the first official academic exchange between the Shenzhen University School of Government and the Sungkyun Institute of China Studies. Professor Yu is one of China's leading political scientists. He previously served as Deputy Director of the Central Compilation and Translation Bureau of the Communist Party of China and Dean of the School of Government at Peking University. He has also held appointments as a visiting professor or senior research fellow at several leading international institutions, including Harvard University and Duke University. His influential book Democracy Is a Good Thing has been widely recognized for bringing debates on China's political development and governance to the attention of the international academic community. The Shenzhen University delegation included Professor Yu; Chen Wen, Executive Dean of both the School of Government and the Institute for Global Megacity Governance; Gu Zhijun, Vice Dean of the School of Government; Professor Tang Juan; Liu Zhaoxin, Vice Dean of the School of Politics and Public Administration at Zhengzhou University; along with other faculty members, researchers specializing in political science, public administration, and urban governance, and graduate students. In total, approximately 14 participants attended the meeting. Following presentations introducing the research priorities and academic programs of both institutions, participants engaged in wide-ranging discussions on China's economic and social transformation, the evolving geopolitical landscape of Northeast Asia, and key issues in international politics and the global economy. Drawing on their respective areas of expertise in political science, international relations, and public administration, the participants exchanged questions, shared scholarly perspectives, and discussed ongoing changes within China and the broader international community. The meeting was particularly significant in bringing together Professor Yu and other prominent scholars, whose academic work and policy research have had considerable influence both within China and internationally, to exchange ideas with researchers at the Sungkyun Institute of China Studies. The visit also strengthened the Institute's academic ties with leading Chinese scholars and research institutions, further reinforcing its role as a center for research on contemporary China, a forum for comprehensive discussions on China's domestic developments and the changing dynamics of Northeast Asia, and a platform for fostering collaboration among China scholars in Korea and abroad. Building on this exchange, both institutions agreed to explore opportunities for sustained and expanded academic cooperation, including future exchanges involving faculty members, researchers, and students.
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- 작성일 2026-07-28
- 조회수 158
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- [Faculty] Professor Yoon Bi, [Kyunghyang Shinmun Column] "What Machiavelli Would Advise President Lee Jae-myung"
- What Machiavelli Would Advise President Lee Jae-myung The Reason for Downfall: Clinging to Past Formulas for Success As President Lee Takes an Increasingly Active Role in Administration, He Should Focus Less on the Details and More on the Big Picture—and Move Beyond the Mindset of a Highly Competent Bureaucrat. When one thinks of President Lee Jae-myung, one word immediately comes to mind: competence. Even many of those who opposed him in previous elections generally acknowledged his reputation as an exceptionally capable administrator. The president himself appears keenly aware of this strength. Rising from humble beginnings, he earned his high school diploma through a qualification exam, passed the national bar examination, entered politics as mayor of Seongnam, and steadily advanced to the nation's highest office through administrative skill and innovative policymaking. Now, as he enters his second year in office, I find myself wanting to offer him a piece of advice from Niccolò Machiavelli. In The Prince, Machiavelli argues that political leaders often collapse not because they lose their abilities, but because they become prisoners of the very methods that once brought them success. Circumstances change, positions change, and responsibilities change. Yet many leaders continue to think and act as though nothing has changed, and that stubborn adherence ultimately leads to failure. As a scholar of Machiavelli, I have often criticized the limitations of his political thought. On this point, however, I believe his insight remains remarkably profound. My concern is that President Lee still appears bound by the formula that made him a successful administrator. He communicates frequently with citizens, visits worksites in person, and, when he encounters problems, publicly reprimands officials and demands immediate correction. These habits undoubtedly contributed to his earlier success. Yet citizens expect something fundamentally different from a national leader than they do from a mayor or a bureaucratic administrator. This helps explain why popularity as a governor or prime minister does not automatically translate into success in a presidential race. Although Lee was widely praised for his administrative competence, one reason he struggled to broaden his political appeal on the path to the presidency was that he did not fully demonstrate the additional qualities that inspire confidence in a national leader. Today, I believe President Lee has become too directly involved in the machinery of administration. Administration is, by nature, the realm of rules, procedures, measurable outcomes, and immediate results. The presidency is different. A president's foremost responsibility is not to supervise every detail but to shape the larger direction of the nation. Moreover, in any bureaucracy, the goals articulated by a president quickly become absolute imperatives. Even an offhand presidential remark can acquire the force of an official directive. Officials, eager to demonstrate loyalty, may rush to implement policies without sufficiently considering their long-term consequences. Excessive presidential involvement only accelerates this tendency. From the outside, the bureaucracy may appear disciplined, efficient, and perfectly coordinated. Internally, however, it risks becoming increasingly rigid and unhealthy. There is another cost as well. When a president personally intervenes in administrative affairs before the public, moments of frustration or unfiltered language can easily damage the dignity of the office. Increasingly, I hear people say they feel uncomfortable watching the president publicly interrogate or reprimand agency heads. This style of leadership may also carry political risks. Watching the president immerse himself in administrative details reminds me of an aggressive infield shift in baseball. When the manager orders the infield to move forward, the rest of the defense must carefully adjust its positioning to cover the open spaces. Yet if every fielder crowds forward together, routine fly balls that would ordinarily result in outs can instead become singles, doubles, or even triples. In the worst case, the entire game can slip away. Politics works much the same way. Whether the issue is revitalizing the stock market or resolving the housing crisis, relatively minor policy missteps—or even the failure to meet ambitious expectations—can quickly escalate into major political crises. President Lee has already demonstrated beyond doubt that he is an exceptionally capable and hardworking politician. But competence alone is not enough to become a truly successful president. The stock market has risen sharply, and exports have reached record levels. While these achievements cannot be attributed solely to the president, neither can his contribution be dismissed. Yet his approval ratings have remained largely stagnant. This suggests that earning broader public support requires demonstrating something beyond administrative effectiveness. Even prosecutorial reform, once an issue enjoying broad public support, has exposed divisions within the ruling party itself. The controversy surrounding the National Election Commission, along with widening generational and ideological polarization, continues to fuel tensions across Korean society. These challenges cannot simply be overshadowed—or resolved—by an inspiring vision of an AI-driven future, by successful diplomacy, or by gains in international trade, even if those initiatives unfold exactly as planned. Nor would solving the housing crisis, driving the stock market even higher, or raising per capita income to $40,000 be sufficient on their own. At this stage, President Lee must evolve beyond the image of an exceptionally capable senior public administrator. If Machiavelli were alive today, I suspect that would be precisely the advice he would offer President Lee Jae-myung. Professor Yoon Bi, Sungkyunkwan University
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- 작성일 2026-07-27
- 조회수 221
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- [Student] SKKU Doctoral Student Hwang Ji-won Selected for 2026 NRF Doctoral Research Fellowship
- SKKU Doctoral Student Hwang Ji-won Selected for the 2026 NRF Doctoral Research Fellowship Hwang Ji-won, a doctoral student in the Early Childhood Education and Care track of the Department of Child Psychology and Education at Sungkyunkwan University (SKKU), has been selected for the 2026 Doctoral Research Fellowship Program in the Humanities and Social Sciences funded by the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF). Under the guidance of Professor Sung Ji-hyun, Hwang was selected for the fellowship with her research project titled “The Development of Curiosity in Korean Infants: Exploratory Behaviors in Everyday Contexts and Maternal Interaction Characteristics That Support Exploration.” The NRF Doctoral Research Fellowship Program supports the research capabilities and academic activities of doctoral students in the humanities and social sciences, providing opportunities for them to grow into the next generation of scholars through independent research. In 2026, a total of 1,526 proposals were submitted, with 477 projects selected, resulting in a selection rate of 31.3%. The selected study aims to examine the developmental patterns of curiosity in Korean infants by observing their exploratory behaviors in everyday home settings. It also seeks to identify the characteristics of maternal interactions that support infants’ spontaneous exploration. The findings are expected to provide foundational insights into parent–child interactions and caregiving environments that foster curiosity and exploratory learning during infancy. The research will be conducted over a two-year period from September 2026 to August 2028, with a total research grant of KRW 40 million.
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- 작성일 2026-07-24
- 조회수 115
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- The Story of Youth Who Have Left Home, Told Through Blank
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- 작성일 2026-07-24
- 조회수 16
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- [Student] Three SKKU Students Receive Top Prize in Co-Deep Learning Project
- Three SKKU Students Receive Top Prize in Co-Deep Learning Project Three students from Sungkyunkwan University (SKKU)—Shin Jeong-an from the Department of Social Welfare, Park Jae-won from the Data Science Convergence Program, and Kim Ju-yeon from the Department of East Asian Studies—have received the top prize in the Co-Deep Learning Project hosted by SKKU’s Center for University Innovation and Shared Growth. Together with Professor Kim Ki-hyun of the Department of Social Welfare, the students were recognized for their project titled “Proposal for Effective Impact Game Design: Focusing on Blank, a Game About Youth Who Have Left Home.” The Co-Deep Learning Project is a program designed to promote communication between faculty members and undergraduate students while supporting in-depth collaborative learning and self-directed research. Participating students form teams with faculty advisors, conduct semester-long projects, and present their outcomes for evaluation. The students formed a team called Studio Nunuseum and developed Blank, a game that explores the backgrounds and life challenges of youth who have left home. Based on guidance from their advisor, the team examined potential ethical concerns and designed the game to reflect structural social issues and the importance of social solidarity. The team also conducted a focus group test (FGT) at Ilsan Comic World and presented future directions for improvement and design strategies based on the findings. Through this project, the team sought to move beyond simply encouraging empathy toward youth who have left home and instead create a gaming experience that enables players to become active participants in fostering social solidarity. The project further explored the potential for creative expansion of social work practice through game-based approaches. The game was released on Steam and Stove Indie in May 2026. It has since been selected as an exhibition title in the Rookie Division of the Busan Interactive Festival and achieved 315% of its crowdfunding goal on Tumblbug, demonstrating strong public interest in its message and design. Game Page: https://store.steampowered.com/app/3870810/_/ Related Article: https://www.skku.edu/skku/research/industry/StudentChallenge_view.do?mode=view&articleNo=137472
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- 작성일 2026-07-24
- 조회수 100